In a democracy all political parties need money.
India and Ideology
While all political parties are guilty of seeking the support of trade and commerce and big business. Political corruption has become a dominant mode of corruption in modern time. Politicians try to rise and remain in power by any means right or wrong. Most of the corruption in politics is done at the time of election. Though, the limit has been drawn and election commission has been constituted to see that the limit is being observed, yet candidates spend money much beyond such limit officially specified by election commission.
Communal Politics & Caste Politics, Its Impact on the voter?
Many politicians are reported to file their nominations simply for obtaining quotas for diesel, petrol and paper, etc. A huge sum of money is collected by the political parties and leaders, especially those of the ruling ones, in the name of contribution from big Industrialists, Businessman, for election and in return, the contributors multiply their income by making profit out of the licences and tenders, obtained with the help of their political allies, during or after the election. The politicians offer their influence to corrupt Bureaucrats and help them to escape from hands to prosecution after committing any deviance and in return Bureaucrats can do anything for politicians.
Politicians always interfere in the work of police and other criminal administrations and so because of interference of politicians. Once the political influence, interference enters into police department, it paralyses the police arm and because of such acts of politicians, Police Officers become dishonest, inefficient and corrupt. Politicians also benefit by creating artificial shortage and raising prices of consumer goods and the leaders find themselves helpless to take action against them.
Money is poured into election and votes are purchased, booth capturing, compulsory voting are also practiced by corrupt politicians to remain in power. Politicians not only resort to corrupt means and keep their option open for deflection to get others defected. In their favour they justify their such unscrupulous acts that these are being done only till they strengthen their political position and become able to purify the public life. People do not know how long they will take to become strong enough to purify the public service as well as the politics. A Government which has no ideology and specific principles and relies partially or fully on corruption to gain or retain power can never be able to extradicate corruption from society and purify the public as well as the political life.
The close relationship between white collar criminals and Political Leadership can be demonstrated by number of above similar instances. Defection in the name of voice of inner conscience has become a most fascinating tool in the hands of politicians, for making their future from many years. Upon the Mahomedans it was an open and most intelligible outrage. To the Hindoos, the pompous offer of the polluted gates of Somnath was little better than a covert insult. The temple to which it was to have been restored was in ruins, and the sacred ground trodden by Mahomedans. Looking at the effusion from the Oriental side, it was altogether a failure and an abortion.
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Among Europeans, worldly men scouted the proclamation as a folly, and religious men denounced it as a crime. It was said to be both dangerous and profane. Ellenborough received his just deserts from Thomas Babington Macaulay on March 9, Vernon Smith moved a censure motion in the House of Commons. It was rejected by votes to But we have, I am sorry to say, sometimes deviated from the right path in the opposite direction. But, apart from the irritating effect which these transactions must produce on every part of the native population, is it no evil to have this continual wavering and changing?
This is not the only case in which Lord Ellenborough has, with great pomp, announced intentions which he has not been able to carry into effect. He put forth a notification that his Durbar was to be honoured by the presence of Dost Mahomed. Then came a notification that Dost Mahomed would not make his appearance there. In the proclamation which we are now considering his lordship announced to all the princes of India his resolution to set up these gates at Somnath. The gates, it is now universally admitted, will not be set up there. All India will see that the Governor General has changed his mind.
The change may be imputed to mere fickleness and levity. It may be imputed to the disapprobation with which his conduct has been regarded here. In either case he appears in a light in which it is much to be deplored that a Governor General should appear. Even in our mirth, however, there is sadness; for it is no light thing that he who represents the British nation in India should be a jest to the people of India. We have sometimes sent them governors whom they loved, and sometimes governors whom they feared; but they never before had a governor at whom they laughed.
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Now, however, they laugh; and how can we blame them for laughing, when all Europe and all America are laughing too? You see, sir, that the gentlemen opposite cannot keep their countenances. And no wonder. Was such a state paper ever seen in our language before? And what is the plea set up for all this bombast?
Why, the honourable gentleman, the Secretary of the Board of Control, brings down to the House some translations of Persian letters from native princes. Such letters, as everybody knows, are written in a most absurd and turgid style. The honourable gentleman might as well ask why Lord Ellenborough should not sit cross-legged, why he should not let his beard grow to his waist, why he should not wear a turban, why he should not hang trinkets all about his person, why he should not ride about Calcutta on a horse jingling with bells and glittering with the false pearls.
The native princes do these things; and why should not he? Why, sir, simply because he is not a native prince, but an English Governor General. When the people of India see a Nabob or a Rajah in all his gaudy finery, they bow to him with a certain respect. They know that the splendour of his garb indicates superior rank and wealth. But if Sir Charles Metcalfe had so bedizened himself, they would have thought that he was out of his wits. They are not such fools as the honourable gentleman takes them for. Simplicity is not their fashion.
But they understand and respect the simplicity of our fashions. It bears no resemblance to the very bad Oriental compositions which he has read to us, nor to any other Oriental compositions that I ever saw. It is neither English nor Indian.
Politics of history - Frontline
It is not original, however; and I will tell the House where the Governor General found his models. He has apparently been studying the rants of the French Jacobins during the period of their ascendancy, the Carmagnoles of the Convention, the proclamations issued by the Directory and its Proconsuls: and he has been seized with a desire to imitate those compositions. The pattern which he seems to have especially proposed to himself is the rodomontade in which it was announced that the modern Gauls were marching to Rome in order to avenge the fate of Dumnorix and Vercingetorix.
The destruction of a house of worship deserves the severest condemnation.
A potent metaphor
Romila Thapar puts the destruction of the Somnath temple in perspective. The explanation for this activity is readily provided by the fact that he was a Muslim—the assumption being that only a Muslim would despoil temples and break idols since the Islamic religion is opposed to idol worship. There is the further assumption in this that all Muslim rulers could be potential idol-breakers unless some other factors prevented them from doing so. Other reasons can be found when one turns to the tradition of Hindu kings and enquires whether any of them were despoilers of temples and idol-breakers.
Here we come across the case of Harsha, an eleventh century king of Kashmir, for whom the despoiling of temples was an organised, institutionalised activity. Kalhana informs us in the Rajatarangini that Harsha appointed a special officer, the devotpatananayaka literally, the officer appointed for the uprooting of the gods whose special job it was to plunder the temples. Here clearly the explanation cannot be that he was a religious iconoclast but that he plundered temples for their wealth which wealth he used for other purpose Since historians can, consciously or unconsciously, become the intellectual progenitors of political beliefs, the analysis of history thereby becomes particularly crucial to political ideologies.
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